GRESA WASTELANDS, WHERE I TALK TO A LARGER BRAIN
Although the Communist fighters might succeed in beating the Nazis locally, in the middle and longer terms the fight against the SA almost invariably brought them into confrontation with the police and the judiciary system - a fight which they could not hope to win. The youths who protested against the Central Committee’s Resolution of November 1931 were almost certainly correct in their view that the KPD leadership was more acutely aware of its own relationship to the state - its legality - than of the risk of injury and arrest that they, as militant Communists, ran every day. It is difficult to draw any firm conclusions about the wider consequences of the streetfighting, but we know that it ended in anger and disillusionment for some rank and file members before 1933, and it is possible that wider circles of the working class drew from it the lesson that the battle for the streets could not be won.5 If that was the case, then the functions of SA terror may be said to have been just those the KPD leadership warned against: to draw the fighting energies of the militants away from the traditional foci of working-class action and onto the terrain on which the proletariat was at its weakest. What the KPD only dimly perceived, however, was that while the terror was a real source of anxiety, and the terrain on which it operated an intrinsic aspect of workingclass experience, the alternative - work in the factory - was no longer either an experience common to the whole working class nor a basis of
collective strength even for the employed.
If the doors of perception were cleansed, everything would appear as it is - infinite.
You have power over your mind - not outside events. Realize this, and you will find strength.